The Second Blog

National Missing Children’s Day – May 25

Between 1979 and 1981 a series of high-profile missing-children cases became national headlines. Three such cases contributed to the shock of the nation’s consciousness bringing attention to the seriousness of child victimization and forever changing the response by law-enforcement agencies to reports of missing children.

On May 25, 1979, Etan Patz disappeared from a New York City street on his way to school. Even before cases of missing children routinely garnered national media attention, Etan’s case quickly received a lot of coverage. His father, a professional photographer, disseminated black-and-white photographs of Etan in an effort to find him. The massive search and media attention that followed focused the nation’s attention on the problem of child abduction and lack of plans to address it.

For almost three years national media attention was focused on Atlanta, Georgia, where the bodies of young boys and girls were discovered in lakes, marshes, and ponds along roadside trails. By the time a suspect was arrested and identified in 1981, 29 bodies were recovered. The suspect was apprehended, convicted, and now serves a life sentence in prison.

On July 27, 1981, 6-year-old Adam Walsh disappeared from a Florida shopping mall. His parents, John and Revé Walsh, immediately turned to law-enforcement agencies to help find their son. To their disappointment, there was no coordinated effort among law enforcement to search for Adam on a state or national level, and no organization to help them in their desperation.

The tragedies of these children and others exposed a fundamental flaw. There was no coordinated effort between federal, state, and local law enforcement; no national response system in place; and no central resource to help searching families. When it came to handling missing-children cases, the United States was a nation of 50 states often acting like 50 separate countries.

The momentum that began with the disappearance of Etan, Adam, and the 29 missing and murdered children of Atlanta led to photographs of missing children on milk cartons and, ultimately, a nationwide movement. In 1983 President Ronald Regan proclaimed May 25 National Missing Children’s Day. Each administration since has honored this annual reminder to the nation to renew efforts to reunite missing children with their families and make child protection a national priority. National Missing Children’s Day is a reminder to all parents and guardians of the need for high-quality photographs of their children for use in case of an emergency, and for the need for everyone to pay close attention to the posters and photographs of missing children.

We can make a difference by talking about this issue and more, a great place to effect the change needed is www.childprotectioncommunity.com

Joe Tillman
http://www.articlesbase.com/causes-and-organizations-articles/national-missing-childrens-day-may-25-708050.html

 

 

 

What is Child Pornography?

Under federal law, child pornography1 is defined as a visual depiction of any kind, including a drawing, cartoon, sculpture, or painting, photograph, film, video, or computer-generated image or picture, whether made or produced by electronic, mechanical, or other means, of sexually explicit conduct, where it

depicts a minor engaging in sexually explicit conduct and is obscene, or

depicts an image that is, or appears to be, of a minor engaging in graphic bestiality, sadistic or masochistic abuse, or sexual intercourse, including genital-genital, oral-genital, anal-genital, or oral-anal, whether between persons of the same or opposite sex, and such depiction lacks serious literary, artistic, political, or scientific value.2

Sexually explicit conduct includes various forms of sexual activity such as intercourse, bestiality, masturbation, sadistic or masochistic abuse, and lascivious exhibition of the genitals.3 It is illegal to possess, distribute, or manufacture these images.

These illegal images can be presented in various forms including print media; videotape; film; compact disc, read-only memory (CD-ROM); or digital versatile technology (DVD)4 and can be transmitted through computer bulletin-board systems (BBS), USENET Newsgroups, Internet Relay Chat, web-based groups, peer-to-peer technology, and an array of constantly changing world wide web sites.5

All states and the District of Columbia have laws concerning child pornography. As a result a person who violates federal laws concerning these images may also face additional state charges.

Who Is a Minor?

Federal statute defines “minor” as any person younger than 18.6 “While a majority of states follow the federal statute, some state laws define ‘minor’ or ‘child’ as a youth younger than 14, 16, or 17.7 Delaware law includes any person 18 years of age and younger in its definition of a ‘child.’”8

Is Child Pornography a Crime?

Yes, the possession or distribution of child pornography is illegal under federal laws and laws in all 50 states; however, researchers and law-enforcement officials believe this crime is increasing and the increase is related to growing Internet use.9

In response to this growing crime, the U.S. Department of Justice (USDoJ) has responded in several ways including funding the National Center for Missing & Exploited Children’s CyberTipline, www.cybertipline.com, acting as the national clearinghouse for reports of Internet-related child pornography and other Internet-related sex crimes committed against children. The USDoJ also created regional Internet Crimes Against Children (ICAC) Task Forces to assist state and local law enforcement in handling these crimes and funded specialized Internet child exploitation units in federal law-enforcement agencies.10

Where Is Child Pornography Predominantly Found?

The development, increasing accessibility, and use of home-computer technology has revolutionized the distribution of these images by increasing the ease and decreasing the cost of production and distribution especially across international borders. Computer technology is transforming the production of these images into a “sophisticated global cottage industry.”11

It is not unusual to encounter illegal images while exploring legitimate areas of the Internet. A current study has estimated that “as much as 20 percent of all pornographic activity on the Internet may involve children”;12 however, accurate estimates are difficult to produce since a reliable methodology to measure the actual extent of these images online has yet to be devised.13 Nonetheless parents and guardians should closely monitor the online activities of their children and always maintain access to their children’s online accounts.

What Motivates People Who Possess Child Pornography?

• sexually interested in prepubescent children (pedophiles) or young adolescents (hebephiles), who use child pornography for sexual fantasy and gratification
• sexually “indiscriminate,” meaning they are constantly looking for new and different sexual stimuli
• sexually curious, downloading a few images to satisfy that curiosity
• interested in profiting financially by selling images or setting up web sites requiring payment for access15

Who Possesses Child Pornography?

The diversity of these possessors is exemplified by many factors including wide age ranges; incomes ranging from poverty to wealth; levels of education running the gamut from some not finishing high school to others having post college degrees; and those who come from cities, suburbs, small towns, and rural areas. Some are well known, well thought of in their communities, and/or have high-profile jobs. Others seem isolated, seem to be obsessed with the Internet, and/or have long criminal histories.16

Almost all child-pornography possessors (estimated 1,713) arrested between July 1, 2000, and June 30, 2001, were male, 91% were white, and 86% were older than 25. Only 3% were younger than 18. Most were unmarried at the time of their crime, either because they had never married (41%) or because they were separated, divorced, or widowed (21%). Thirty-eight (38%) percent were either married or living with partners.17

Of those estimated arrestees, most had sexually abusive images of prepubescent children (83%) and images graphically depicting sexual penetration (80%). Approximately 1 in 5 people arrested (21%) had images depicting sexual violence to children such as bondage, rape, and torture. More than 1 in 3 (39%) had child-pornography videos with motion and sound.18

Of those estimated arrestees, law enforcement found about half (48%) had more than 100 graphic still images, and 14% had 1,000 or more graphic images.19

Forty percent (40%) of those estimated arrestees were “dual offenders,” who sexually victimized children and possessed child pornography, with both crimes discovered in the same investigation. An additional 15% were dual offenders who attempted to sexually victimize children by soliciting undercover investigators who posed online as minors.20

How Old Were the Children Found in These Images?

According to investigators who handled the cases of estimated arrestees, most had images of children who had not yet reached puberty. Specifically 83% had images of children between ages 6 and 12; 39% had images of 3- to 5-year-old children; and 19% had images of toddlers or infants younger than age 3.21

Are the Children in the Images Boys or Girls?

According to investigators who handled the cases of estimated arrestees, 62% had pictures of mostly girls. Fourteen percent (14%) had pictures of mostly boys. Fifteen percent (15%) had pictures showing boys and girls in about equal numbers.22

How Graphic Are the Images?

According to investigators who handled the cases of estimated arrestees, most had graphic images explicitly showing sexual acts by or on children. Specifically 92% had images of minors focusing on genitals or showing explicit sexual activity; 80% had pictures showing the sexual penetration of a child, including oral sex; 71% possessed images showing sexual contact between an adult and a minor, defined as an adult touching the genitals or breasts of a minor or vice-versa; 21% had child pornography depicting violence such as bondage, rape, or torture and most of those involved images of children who were gagged, bound, blindfolded, or otherwise enduring sadistic sex; and 79% also had what might be termed “softcore” images of nude or semi-nude minors, but only 1% possessed such images alone.23

What Are the Effects of Child Pornography?

It is important to realize these images can have a devastating and lasting effect on children. In addition to any physical injuries they might suffer in the course of their molestation, such as genital bruising, lacerations, or exposure to sexually transmitted diseases, child victims may also experience depression, withdrawal, anger, and other psychological disorders.24 Such effects may continue into adulthood. For instance women abused as children have statistically significant higher rates of nightmares, back pain, headaches, pelvic pain, eating binges, and other similar symptoms.25 Child victims also frequently experience feelings of guilt and responsibility for the abuse and betrayal, a sense of powerlessness, and feelings of worthlessness and low self-esteem.26 These feelings are often expressed through increased fearfulness and changes in sleep patterns including re-occurring memories, flashbacks, dreams, and nightmares associated with posttraumatic stress.27 Younger children tend to externalize stress by re-enacting sexual activities through play, while adolescents may experience negative effects on their growing sexuality as a result of inappropriate early sexual experiences.28

The lives of children featured in these illegal images are forever altered, not only by the molestation but by the permanent record of the exploitation. Once sexual exploitation takes place, the molester may document these encounters on film or video. This documentation can then become the “ammunition” needed to blackmail the child into further submission, which is necessary to continue the relationship and maintain its secrecy. In addition these documented images allow molesters to “relive” their sexual fantasies with children long after the exploitation has stopped.

A greater number of child molesters are now using computer technology to organize and maintain their collections of these illegal images. They are also using the Internet to increase the size of these collections. Personally manufactured illegal images of children are especially valuable on the Internet, which provide the molester with a respected status among fellow exploiters and traders of this material. Once this status is achieved, molesters will often begin to trade images of their own sexual exploits with children.

When these images reach cyberspace, they are irretrievable and can continue to circulate forever. Thus the child is revictimized as the images are viewed again and again.

How Do Online Exploiters Find Children?

After this initial meeting, these individuals will often continue to communicate with the child electronically or through other means. Some of these individuals may then attempt to lower the child’s inhibitions by gradually introducing sexual content into their online conversations and even send the child sexually abusive images of other children. When children are shown images of peers engaged in sexual activities, they are led to believe this behavior is acceptable. This lowers their inhibitions and makes it easier for the molester to take advantage of the child sexually.

Parents and guardians are strongly encouraged to speak openly with their children about online risks and monitor their online activities.

End Notes
1As stated by Janis Wolak, Kimberly Mitchell, and David Finkelhor in Internet Sex Crimes Against Minors: The Response of Law Enforcement (Alexandria, Virginia: National Center for Missing & Exploited Children, November 2003, page vii), “The term ‘child pornography,’ because it implies simply conventional pornography with child subjects, is an inappropriate term to describe the true nature and extent of sexually exploitive images of child victims. Use of this term should not be taken to imply that children ‘consented’ to the sexual acts depicted in these photographs; however, it is the term most readily recognized by the public, at this point in time, to describe this form of child sexual exploitation. It is used in this [document] to refer to illegal pictorial material involving children under the standards developed by statute, case law, and law-enforcement-agency protocols. It is hoped a more accurate term will be recognized, understood, and accepted for use in the near future.”
218 U.S.C. § 1466A and 18 U.S.C. § 2256.
3Id.
4Eva J. Klain, Heather J. Davies, Molly A. Hicks. Child Pornography: The Criminal-Justice-System Response (Alexandria, Virginia: National Center for Missing & Exploited Children, March 2001, page 1) [hereinafter Response], citing Daniel S. Armagh, Nick L. Battaglia, and Kenneth V. Lanning, Use of Computers in the Sexual Exploitation of Children, Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, Portable Guides to Investigating Child Abuse. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice, 1999, page 6.
5Response, supra note 4, page 1.
6Janis Wolak, David Finkelhor, and Kimberly Mitchell. Child-Pornography Possessors Arrested in Internet-Related Crimes: Findings From the National Juvenile Online Victimization Study (Alexandria, Virginia: National Center for Missing & Exploited Children, 2005, page ix) [hereinafter Possessors] citing 18 U.S.C. § 2256(1).)
7Possessors, pages ix-x citing research conducted by the National Center for Missing & Exploited Children in December 2004 which found, in regard to state statutes criminalizing possession of child pornography, 37 states define “minor” or “child” as a youth younger than the age of 18 (Alaska, ALASKA STAT. § 11.61.127(a); Arizona, ARIZ. REV. STAT. § 13-3551(5); California, CAL. PENAL CODE § 311.11(a); Colorado, COLO. REV. STAT. § 18-6-403(2)(a); Connecticut, CONN. GEN. STAT. § 1-1d; Florida, FLA. STAT. ch. 827.01(2); Georgia, GA. CODE ANN. § 16-12-100(a)(1); Hawaii, HAW. REV. STAT. § 707-752(2); Idaho, IDAHO CODE § 8-1507(2)(b); Illinois, 720 ILL. COMP. STAT. 5/11-20.1(6); Iowa, IOWA CODE § 728.1(4); Kansas, KAN. STAT. ANN. § 21-3516(a)(2); Kentucky, KY. REV. STAT. ANN. §§ 2.015, 500.080(9); Massachusetts, MASS. GEN. LAWS ch. 272, § 29C; Michigan, MICH. COMP. LAWS § 750.145c(b); Minnesota, MINN. STAT. § 617.246(1)(b); Mississippi, MISS. CODE ANN. § 97-5-31(a); Missouri, MO. REV. STAT. § 573.010(2); Montana, MONT. CODE ANN. §§ 45-5-625, 45-8-205; New Mexico, N.M. STAT. ANN. § 30-6A-3(A); North Carolina, N.C. GEN. STAT. § 14-190.13(3); North Dakota, N.D. CENT. CODE § 12.1-27.2-05(1); Ohio, OHIO REV. CODE ANN. § 2907.01(M); Oklahoma, OKLA. STAT. tit. 21, § 1024.1(A); Oregon, OR. REV. STAT. § 163.665(1); Pennsylvania, 18 PA. CONS. STAT. § 6312(d)(1); Rhode Island, R.I. GEN. LAWS § 11-9-1.3(c)(3); South Carolina, S.C. CODE ANN. § 16-15-375(3); South Dakota, S.D. CODIFIED LAWS § 22-22-24.1(3); Tennessee, TENN. CODE ANN. § 39-17-1002(3); Texas, TEX. PENAL CODE ANN. § 43.26(a); Utah, UTAH CODE ANN. § 76-5a-2(5); Virginia, VA. CODE ANN. § 18.2-374.1:1(A); Washington, WASH. REV. CODE § 9.68A.011(4); West Virginia, W. VA. CODE § 61-8C-1(a); Wisconsin, WIS. STAT. § 948.01(1); Wyoming, WYO. STAT. ANN. § 6-4-303(a)(i)); 3 define “minor” or “child” as a youth younger than the age of 17 (Alabama, ALA. CODE § 13A-12-192; Arkansas, ARK. CODE ANN. § 5-27-302(1); and Louisiana, LA. REV. STAT. ANN. § 14:81.1(A)(3)); 7 define “minor” or “child” as a youth younger than the age of 16 (Indiana, IND. CODE § 35-42-4-4(c); Maryland, MD. CODE ANN., Crim. Law § 11-208(a); Nevada, NEV. REV. STAT. 200.730; New Hampshire, N.H. REV. STAT. ANN. § 649-A:2(I); New Jersey, N.J. STAT. ANN. § 2C: 24-4(b)(1); New York, N.Y. PENAL LAW § 263.16; and Vermont, VT. STAT. ANN. tit. 13, § 2821(1)); and 1 defines “minor” or “child” as a youth younger than the age of 14 (Maine, ME. REV. STAT. ANN. tit. 17, § 2924(2-A)).
The age of a “child” in Nebraska depends on whether the child is a participant (younger than 18 years of age) or a portrayed observer (younger than 16 years of age). NEB. REV. STAT. § 28-1463.02(1).
In the District of Columbia, possession of child pornography with the intent to disseminate may be prosecuted under the general obscenity statute; however, mere possession is not mentioned. D.C. CODE ANN. § 22-2201(a)(1)(E). There are two criminal offenses that address “sexual performances using minors”: “using a minor in a sexual performance” and “promoting a sexual performance by a minor.” D.C. CODE ANN. § 22-3102. For these offenses, “minor” is defined as any person younger than 16 years of age. D.C. CODE ANN. §§ 22-3101(2), 22-3102.
8Possessors, supra note 6, page x citing DEL. CODE ANN. tit. 11, § 1103(e).
9Possessors, supra note 6, page ix.
10Id.
11Response, supra note 4, page 3, citing Child Pornography: An International Perspective, World Congress Against the Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children, Stockholm, Sweden, August 27-31, 1996, page 9.
12Response, supra note 4, page 3, citing Allotted Day on Child Pornography, 36th Parliament, 1st Session, Edited Hansand 1, No. 172, February 2, 1999, page 12.
13Response, supra note 4, page 3.
14Possessors, supra note 6, page x citing Response, supra note 4 and M. Taylor and E. Quayle. Child pornography: An Internet crime. Hove: Brunner-Routledge, 2003.
15Possessors, supra note 6, page x.
16Id., pages 2-3.
17Id., pages 1-2.
18Id., page vii.
19Id., page 7.
20Id., page viii.
21Id., page 4.
22Id., page 5.
23Id.
24Response, supra note 4, page 10, citing Bentovim and Bentovim, “The Effects on Children and Their Families” in Organized Abuse: The Current Debate, pages 60-62 [hereinafter Effects on Children].
25Response, supra note 4, page 10, citing Jeanne McCauley, David E. Kern, Ken Kolodner, et al., Clinical Characteristics of Women with a History of Childhood Abuse: Unhealed Wounds, 277 JAMA 1197, page 1362.
26Response, supra note 4, page 10, citing Heather Y. Swanston, Jennifer S. Tebbutt, Brian I. O’Toole, and R. Kim Oates, Sexually Abused Children 5 Years After Presentation: A Case-Control Study, 100 Pediatrics, 1997, page 600, 603.
27Response, supra note 4, page 10, citing Effects on Children, supra note 24, pages 60-62.
28Id.

What is the Molestation of Children?

Every child is vulnerable to sexual exploitation. Child victims can be boys as well as girls and older as well as younger.

Child molestation can include

Fondling or touching

"Flashing" or exposing adult genitals to a child

Showing sexually explicit material to a child

So called "normal" sexual activity such as vaginal or anal intercourse or oral stimulation of the genitals

So called "deviant" sexual activity such as urination, defecation, sadomasochism, or bondage

Child molesters can use many methods such as

Child molesters most often manipulate child victims into complying with sexual activity by "grooming" them with attention, affection, and gifts over a period of time. Sometimes this "grooming" is aimed at the parent of very young children in order for the child molester to obtain the family’s trust and thereby gain access to the child.

Adapted from Child Molesters: A Behavioral Analysis. Copyright © 2001 National Center for Missing & Exploited Children. All rights reserved.

Signs of Sexual Exploitation in Children

Parents, grandparents, and guardians should be aware of the signs noted below that could indicate your child has been sexually molested. You should note that some of these behaviors may have other explanations, but it is important to assist your child no matter what the cause of these symptoms or behaviors.

Changes in behavior, extreme mood swings, withdrawal, fearfulness, and excessive crying

Bed-wetting, nightmares, fear of going to bed, or other sleep disturbances

Acting out inappropriate sexual activity or showing an unusual interest in sexual matters

A sudden acting out of feelings or aggressive or rebellious behavior

Regression to infantile behavior; clinging

School or behavioral problems

Changes in toilet-training habits

A fear of certain places, people, or activities

Bruises, rashes, cuts, limping, multiple or poorly explained injuries

Pain, itching, bleeding, fluid, or rawness in the private areas

If you observe any of these behaviors, talk to your child about the causes. Behavioral changes such as these may be due to causes other than sexual exploitation such as a medical, family, or school problem. Also keep in mind that sometimes children do not always demonstrate obvious signs such as these but may do or say something that hints at the exploitation.

Information adapted from

Coaxing or persuading a child into sexual activity

Overpowering or threatening to harm a child into sexual activity

Individuals looking for potential child victims online have no difficulty finding them. It is quite common for these individuals to frequent “kids only” chatrooms and communicate with children who unwittingly divulge personal information about themselves. A more recent phenomenon is the solicitation of sex over the Internet.

 

 

 

 

 

There is not much research about the motivations of people who possess child pornography. But, from the little information that exists, it suggests these people are a diverse group who use sexually abusive images of children for a variety of reasons.14 Those who possess child pornography include people who are

 

The Internet has created an exciting new world of information and communication for anyone with access to online services. While this technology offers unparalleled opportunities for children and adults to learn about the universe we live in, it has also had an immeasurable impact on the sexual exploitation of children, specifically the distribution of sexually exploitive images of children.

 

 

 

 

 

What is Child Pornography?

Under federal law, child pornography1 is defined as a visual depiction of any kind, including a drawing, cartoon, sculpture, or painting, photograph, film, video, or computer-generated image or picture, whether made or produced by electronic, mechanical, or other means, of sexually explicit conduct, where it

depicts a minor engaging in sexually explicit conduct and is obscene, or

depicts an image that is, or appears to be, of a minor engaging in graphic bestiality, sadistic or masochistic abuse, or sexual intercourse, including genital-genital, oral-genital, anal-genital, or oral-anal, whether between persons of the same or opposite sex, and such depiction lacks serious literary, artistic, political, or scientific value.2

Sexually explicit conduct includes various forms of sexual activity such as intercourse, bestiality, masturbation, sadistic or masochistic abuse, and lascivious exhibition of the genitals.3 It is illegal to possess, distribute, or manufacture these images.

These illegal images can be presented in various forms including print media; videotape; film; compact disc, read-only memory (CD-ROM); or digital versatile technology (DVD)4 and can be transmitted through computer bulletin-board systems (BBS), USENET Newsgroups, Internet Relay Chat, web-based groups, peer-to-peer technology, and an array of constantly changing world wide web sites.5

All states and the District of Columbia have laws concerning child pornography. As a result a person who violates federal laws concerning these images may also face additional state charges.

Who Is a Minor?

Federal statute defines “minor” as any person younger than 18.6 “While a majority of states follow the federal statute, some state laws define ‘minor’ or ‘child’ as a youth younger than 14, 16, or 17.7 Delaware law includes any person 18 years of age and younger in its definition of a ‘child.’”8

Is Child Pornography a Crime?

Yes, the possession or distribution of child pornography is illegal under federal laws and laws in all 50 states; however, researchers and law-enforcement officials believe this crime is increasing and the increase is related to growing Internet use.9

In response to this growing crime, the U.S. Department of Justice (USDoJ) has responded in several ways including funding the National Center for Missing & Exploited Children’s CyberTipline, www.cybertipline.com, acting as the national clearinghouse for reports of Internet-related child pornography and other Internet-related sex crimes committed against children. The USDoJ also created regional Internet Crimes Against Children (ICAC) Task Forces to assist state and local law enforcement in handling these crimes and funded specialized Internet child exploitation units in federal law-enforcement agencies.10

Where Is Child Pornography Predominantly Found?

The development, increasing accessibility, and use of home-computer technology has revolutionized the distribution of these images by increasing the ease and decreasing the cost of production and distribution especially across international borders. Computer technology is transforming the production of these images into a “sophisticated global cottage industry.”11

It is not unusual to encounter illegal images while exploring legitimate areas of the Internet. A current study has estimated that “as much as 20 percent of all pornographic activity on the Internet may involve children”;12 however, accurate estimates are difficult to produce since a reliable methodology to measure the actual extent of these images online has yet to be devised.13 Nonetheless parents and guardians should closely monitor the online activities of their children and always maintain access to their children’s online accounts.

What Motivates People Who Possess Child Pornography?

• sexually interested in prepubescent children (pedophiles) or young adolescents (hebephiles), who use child pornography for sexual fantasy and gratification
• sexually “indiscriminate,” meaning they are constantly looking for new and different sexual stimuli
• sexually curious, downloading a few images to satisfy that curiosity
• interested in profiting financially by selling images or setting up web sites requiring payment for access15

Who Possesses Child Pornography?

The diversity of these possessors is exemplified by many factors including wide age ranges; incomes ranging from poverty to wealth; levels of education running the gamut from some not finishing high school to others having post college degrees; and those who come from cities, suburbs, small towns, and rural areas. Some are well known, well thought of in their communities, and/or have high-profile jobs. Others seem isolated, seem to be obsessed with the Internet, and/or have long criminal histories.16

Almost all child-pornography possessors (estimated 1,713) arrested between July 1, 2000, and June 30, 2001, were male, 91% were white, and 86% were older than 25. Only 3% were younger than 18. Most were unmarried at the time of their crime, either because they had never married (41%) or because they were separated, divorced, or widowed (21%). Thirty-eight (38%) percent were either married or living with partners.17

Of those estimated arrestees, most had sexually abusive images of prepubescent children (83%) and images graphically depicting sexual penetration (80%). Approximately 1 in 5 people arrested (21%) had images depicting sexual violence to children such as bondage, rape, and torture. More than 1 in 3 (39%) had child-pornography videos with motion and sound.18

Of those estimated arrestees, law enforcement found about half (48%) had more than 100 graphic still images, and 14% had 1,000 or more graphic images.19

Forty percent (40%) of those estimated arrestees were “dual offenders,” who sexually victimized children and possessed child pornography, with both crimes discovered in the same investigation. An additional 15% were dual offenders who attempted to sexually victimize children by soliciting undercover investigators who posed online as minors.20

How Old Were the Children Found in These Images?

According to investigators who handled the cases of estimated arrestees, most had images of children who had not yet reached puberty. Specifically 83% had images of children between ages 6 and 12; 39% had images of 3- to 5-year-old children; and 19% had images of toddlers or infants younger than age 3.21

Are the Children in the Images Boys or Girls?

According to investigators who handled the cases of estimated arrestees, 62% had pictures of mostly girls. Fourteen percent (14%) had pictures of mostly boys. Fifteen percent (15%) had pictures showing boys and girls in about equal numbers.22

How Graphic Are the Images?

According to investigators who handled the cases of estimated arrestees, most had graphic images explicitly showing sexual acts by or on children. Specifically 92% had images of minors focusing on genitals or showing explicit sexual activity; 80% had pictures showing the sexual penetration of a child, including oral sex; 71% possessed images showing sexual contact between an adult and a minor, defined as an adult touching the genitals or breasts of a minor or vice-versa; 21% had child pornography depicting violence such as bondage, rape, or torture and most of those involved images of children who were gagged, bound, blindfolded, or otherwise enduring sadistic sex; and 79% also had what might be termed “softcore” images of nude or semi-nude minors, but only 1% possessed such images alone.23

What Are the Effects of Child Pornography?

It is important to realize these images can have a devastating and lasting effect on children. In addition to any physical injuries they might suffer in the course of their molestation, such as genital bruising, lacerations, or exposure to sexually transmitted diseases, child victims may also experience depression, withdrawal, anger, and other psychological disorders.24 Such effects may continue into adulthood. For instance women abused as children have statistically significant higher rates of nightmares, back pain, headaches, pelvic pain, eating binges, and other similar symptoms.25 Child victims also frequently experience feelings of guilt and responsibility for the abuse and betrayal, a sense of powerlessness, and feelings of worthlessness and low self-esteem.26 These feelings are often expressed through increased fearfulness and changes in sleep patterns including re-occurring memories, flashbacks, dreams, and nightmares associated with posttraumatic stress.27 Younger children tend to externalize stress by re-enacting sexual activities through play, while adolescents may experience negative effects on their growing sexuality as a result of inappropriate early sexual experiences.28

The lives of children featured in these illegal images are forever altered, not only by the molestation but by the permanent record of the exploitation. Once sexual exploitation takes place, the molester may document these encounters on film or video. This documentation can then become the “ammunition” needed to blackmail the child into further submission, which is necessary to continue the relationship and maintain its secrecy. In addition these documented images allow molesters to “relive” their sexual fantasies with children long after the exploitation has stopped.

A greater number of child molesters are now using computer technology to organize and maintain their collections of these illegal images. They are also using the Internet to increase the size of these collections. Personally manufactured illegal images of children are especially valuable on the Internet, which provide the molester with a respected status among fellow exploiters and traders of this material. Once this status is achieved, molesters will often begin to trade images of their own sexual exploits with children.

When these images reach cyberspace, they are irretrievable and can continue to circulate forever. Thus the child is revictimized as the images are viewed again and again.

How Do Online Exploiters Find Children?

After this initial meeting, these individuals will often continue to communicate with the child electronically or through other means. Some of these individuals may then attempt to lower the child’s inhibitions by gradually introducing sexual content into their online conversations and even send the child sexually abusive images of other children. When children are shown images of peers engaged in sexual activities, they are led to believe this behavior is acceptable. This lowers their inhibitions and makes it easier for the molester to take advantage of the child sexually.

Parents and guardians are strongly encouraged to speak openly with their children about online risks and monitor their online activities.

End Notes
1As stated by Janis Wolak, Kimberly Mitchell, and David Finkelhor in Internet Sex Crimes Against Minors: The Response of Law Enforcement (Alexandria, Virginia: National Center for Missing & Exploited Children, November 2003, page vii), “The term ‘child pornography,’ because it implies simply conventional pornography with child subjects, is an inappropriate term to describe the true nature and extent of sexually exploitive images of child victims. Use of this term should not be taken to imply that children ‘consented’ to the sexual acts depicted in these photographs; however, it is the term most readily recognized by the public, at this point in time, to describe this form of child sexual exploitation. It is used in this [document] to refer to illegal pictorial material involving children under the standards developed by statute, case law, and law-enforcement-agency protocols. It is hoped a more accurate term will be recognized, understood, and accepted for use in the near future.”
218 U.S.C. § 1466A and 18 U.S.C. § 2256.
3Id.
4Eva J. Klain, Heather J. Davies, Molly A. Hicks. Child Pornography: The Criminal-Justice-System Response (Alexandria, Virginia: National Center for Missing & Exploited Children, March 2001, page 1) [hereinafter Response], citing Daniel S. Armagh, Nick L. Battaglia, and Kenneth V. Lanning, Use of Computers in the Sexual Exploitation of Children, Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, Portable Guides to Investigating Child Abuse. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice, 1999, page 6.
5Response, supra note 4, page 1.
6Janis Wolak, David Finkelhor, and Kimberly Mitchell. Child-Pornography Possessors Arrested in Internet-Related Crimes: Findings From the National Juvenile Online Victimization Study (Alexandria, Virginia: National Center for Missing & Exploited Children, 2005, page ix) [hereinafter Possessors] citing 18 U.S.C. § 2256(1).)
7Possessors, pages ix-x citing research conducted by the National Center for Missing & Exploited Children in December 2004 which found, in regard to state statutes criminalizing possession of child pornography, 37 states define “minor” or “child” as a youth younger than the age of 18 (Alaska, ALASKA STAT. § 11.61.127(a); Arizona, ARIZ. REV. STAT. § 13-3551(5); California, CAL. PENAL CODE § 311.11(a); Colorado, COLO. REV. STAT. § 18-6-403(2)(a); Connecticut, CONN. GEN. STAT. § 1-1d; Florida, FLA. STAT. ch. 827.01(2); Georgia, GA. CODE ANN. § 16-12-100(a)(1); Hawaii, HAW. REV. STAT. § 707-752(2); Idaho, IDAHO CODE § 8-1507(2)(b); Illinois, 720 ILL. COMP. STAT. 5/11-20.1(6); Iowa, IOWA CODE § 728.1(4); Kansas, KAN. STAT. ANN. § 21-3516(a)(2); Kentucky, KY. REV. STAT. ANN. §§ 2.015, 500.080(9); Massachusetts, MASS. GEN. LAWS ch. 272, § 29C; Michigan, MICH. COMP. LAWS § 750.145c(b); Minnesota, MINN. STAT. § 617.246(1)(b); Mississippi, MISS. CODE ANN. § 97-5-31(a); Missouri, MO. REV. STAT. § 573.010(2); Montana, MONT. CODE ANN. §§ 45-5-625, 45-8-205; New Mexico, N.M. STAT. ANN. § 30-6A-3(A); North Carolina, N.C. GEN. STAT. § 14-190.13(3); North Dakota, N.D. CENT. CODE § 12.1-27.2-05(1); Ohio, OHIO REV. CODE ANN. § 2907.01(M); Oklahoma, OKLA. STAT. tit. 21, § 1024.1(A); Oregon, OR. REV. STAT. § 163.665(1); Pennsylvania, 18 PA. CONS. STAT. § 6312(d)(1); Rhode Island, R.I. GEN. LAWS § 11-9-1.3(c)(3); South Carolina, S.C. CODE ANN. § 16-15-375(3); South Dakota, S.D. CODIFIED LAWS § 22-22-24.1(3); Tennessee, TENN. CODE ANN. § 39-17-1002(3); Texas, TEX. PENAL CODE ANN. § 43.26(a); Utah, UTAH CODE ANN. § 76-5a-2(5); Virginia, VA. CODE ANN. § 18.2-374.1:1(A); Washington, WASH. REV. CODE § 9.68A.011(4); West Virginia, W. VA. CODE § 61-8C-1(a); Wisconsin, WIS. STAT. § 948.01(1); Wyoming, WYO. STAT. ANN. § 6-4-303(a)(i)); 3 define “minor” or “child” as a youth younger than the age of 17 (Alabama, ALA. CODE § 13A-12-192; Arkansas, ARK. CODE ANN. § 5-27-302(1); and Louisiana, LA. REV. STAT. ANN. § 14:81.1(A)(3)); 7 define “minor” or “child” as a youth younger than the age of 16 (Indiana, IND. CODE § 35-42-4-4(c); Maryland, MD. CODE ANN., Crim. Law § 11-208(a); Nevada, NEV. REV. STAT. 200.730; New Hampshire, N.H. REV. STAT. ANN. § 649-A:2(I); New Jersey, N.J. STAT. ANN. § 2C: 24-4(b)(1); New York, N.Y. PENAL LAW § 263.16; and Vermont, VT. STAT. ANN. tit. 13, § 2821(1)); and 1 defines “minor” or “child” as a youth younger than the age of 14 (Maine, ME. REV. STAT. ANN. tit. 17, § 2924(2-A)).
The age of a “child” in Nebraska depends on whether the child is a participant (younger than 18 years of age) or a portrayed observer (younger than 16 years of age). NEB. REV. STAT. § 28-1463.02(1).
In the District of Columbia, possession of child pornography with the intent to disseminate may be prosecuted under the general obscenity statute; however, mere possession is not mentioned. D.C. CODE ANN. § 22-2201(a)(1)(E). There are two criminal offenses that address “sexual performances using minors”: “using a minor in a sexual performance” and “promoting a sexual performance by a minor.” D.C. CODE ANN. § 22-3102. For these offenses, “minor” is defined as any person younger than 16 years of age. D.C. CODE ANN. §§ 22-3101(2), 22-3102.
8Possessors, supra note 6, page x citing DEL. CODE ANN. tit. 11, § 1103(e).
9Possessors, supra note 6, page ix.
10Id.
11Response, supra note 4, page 3, citing Child Pornography: An International Perspective, World Congress Against the Commercial Sexual Exploitation of Children, Stockholm, Sweden, August 27-31, 1996, page 9.
12Response, supra note 4, page 3, citing Allotted Day on Child Pornography, 36th Parliament, 1st Session, Edited Hansand 1, No. 172, February 2, 1999, page 12.
13Response, supra note 4, page 3.
14Possessors, supra note 6, page x citing Response, supra note 4 and M. Taylor and E. Quayle. Child pornography: An Internet crime. Hove: Brunner-Routledge, 2003.
15Possessors, supra note 6, page x.
16Id., pages 2-3.
17Id., pages 1-2.
18Id., page vii.
19Id., page 7.
20Id., page viii.
21Id., page 4.
22Id., page 5.
23Id.
24Response, supra note 4, page 10, citing Bentovim and Bentovim, “The Effects on Children and Their Families” in Organized Abuse: The Current Debate, pages 60-62 [hereinafter Effects on Children].
25Response, supra note 4, page 10, citing Jeanne McCauley, David E. Kern, Ken Kolodner, et al., Clinical Characteristics of Women with a History of Childhood Abuse: Unhealed Wounds, 277 JAMA 1197, page 1362.
26Response, supra note 4, page 10, citing Heather Y. Swanston, Jennifer S. Tebbutt, Brian I. O’Toole, and R. Kim Oates, Sexually Abused Children 5 Years After Presentation: A Case-Control Study, 100 Pediatrics, 1997, page 600, 603.
27Response, supra note 4, page 10, citing Effects on Children, supra note 24, pages 60-62.
28Id.

What is the Molestation of Children?

Every child is vulnerable to sexual exploitation. Child victims can be boys as well as girls and older as well as younger.

Child molestation can include

Fondling or touching

"Flashing" or exposing adult genitals to a child

Showing sexually explicit material to a child

So called "normal" sexual activity such as vaginal or anal intercourse or oral stimulation of the genitals

So called "deviant" sexual activity such as urination, defecation, sadomasochism, or bondage

Child molesters can use many methods such as

Child molesters most often manipulate child victims into complying with sexual activity by "grooming" them with attention, affection, and gifts over a period of time. Sometimes this "grooming" is aimed at the parent of very young children in order for the child molester to obtain the family’s trust and thereby gain access to the child.

Adapted from Child Molesters: A Behavioral Analysis. Copyright © 2001 National Center for Missing & Exploited Children. All rights reserved.

Signs of Sexual Exploitation in Children

Parents, grandparents, and guardians should be aware of the signs noted below that could indicate your child has been sexually molested. You should note that some of these behaviors may have other explanations, but it is important to assist your child no matter what the cause of these symptoms or behaviors.

Changes in behavior, extreme mood swings, withdrawal, fearfulness, and excessive crying

Bed-wetting, nightmares, fear of going to bed, or other sleep disturbances

Acting out inappropriate sexual activity or showing an unusual interest in sexual matters

A sudden acting out of feelings or aggressive or rebellious behavior

Regression to infantile behavior; clinging

School or behavioral problems

Changes in toilet-training habits

A fear of certain places, people, or activities

Bruises, rashes, cuts, limping, multiple or poorly explained injuries

Pain, itching, bleeding, fluid, or rawness in the private areas

If you observe any of these behaviors, talk to your child about the causes. Behavioral changes such as these may be due to causes other than sexual exploitation such as a medical, family, or school problem. Also keep in mind that sometimes children do not always demonstrate obvious signs such as these but may do or say something that hints at the exploitation.

Information adapted from

Coaxing or persuading a child into sexual activity

Overpowering or threatening to harm a child into sexual activity

Individuals looking for potential child victims online have no difficulty finding them. It is quite common for these individuals to frequent “kids only” chatrooms and communicate with children who unwittingly divulge personal information about themselves. A more recent phenomenon is the solicitation of sex over the Internet.

 

 

 

 

 

There is not much research about the motivations of people who possess child pornography. But, from the little information that exists, it suggests these people are a diverse group who use sexually abusive images of children for a variety of reasons.14 Those who possess child pornography include people who are

 

The Internet has created an exciting new world of information and communication for anyone with access to online services. While this technology offers unparalleled opportunities for children and adults to learn about the universe we live in, it has also had an immeasurable impact on the sexual exploitation of children, specifically the distribution of sexually exploitive images of children.

 

 

 

Adapted from

 

 

 

What to Do If a Child Discloses Sexual Exploitation

 

If your child discloses sexual exploitation, how you react is an important part of child protection.

 

 

 

Underreact to or minimize the information

 

Overreact to the information or panic

 

Criticize or blame your child

 

 

 

Respect your child’s privacy

 

Support your child and the decision to tell

 

Show physical affection, and express love and support with words and gestures

 

Explain to your child that he or she has done nothing wrong

 

Help your child understand it was the offender’s responsibility, not your child’s

 

Remember that children seldom lie about acts of sexual exploitation

 

Keep the lines of communication open

 

Seek appropriate medical care for your child

 

Notify law enforcement

 

Alert the child-protection, youth-services, child-abuse, or other appropriate social-services organizations in cooperation with law enforcement

 

Consider the need for counseling or therapy for your child and the entire family

 

Contact the National Center for Missing & Exploited Children’s 24-hour, toll-free telephone line to report any information about missing or sexually exploited children at 1-800-843-5678. This number is available throughout the United States, Mexico, and Canada. The TDD Hotline is 1-800-826-7653.

 

Often children do not disclose about incidents of sexual exploitation. It is up to attentive adults to recognize the

 

 

We have these resources and more at www.ChildProtectioncCommunity.com

Do

Don’t

Joe Tillman
http://www.articlesbase.com/parenting-articles/what-is-child-pornagraphy-contents-from-national-center-for-missing-children-708061.html

Copyright © 2009 Ed Bagley

Coach Roy Williams’ North Carolina Tar Heels started their season ranked #1 and ended their season #1 with their 5th National Championship as North Carolina easily beat #2-seeded Michigan State 89-72 in the only game that counted—the match to determine the nation’s best team for the 2008-2009 season.

A potential 4 NBA draft picks at North Carolina—Ty Lawson, Tyler Hansbrough, Wayne Ellington and Danny Green—stayed on for another year rather than entering the draft last year. There was some unfinished business as the Tar Heels lost to Kansas 84-66 in one of last year’s semi-final games. Kansas would advance to beat Memphis 75-68 in the National Championship Game.

Michigan State played the toughest schedule to get to the Championship Game. The Spartans beat #3-seeded Kansas 67-62, #1-seeded Louisville 64-52 and #1-seeded Connecticut 82-73. Despite their upstart run to a potential national title, the Spartans fell flat against North Carolina.

In the early going, Michigan State could not stop—never mind defend—North Carolina’s assault. The Tar Heels set a halftime record for a title game by jumping to a 21-point lead (55-34) and then set another record by scoring 55 points in the first half. The Spartans had exactly 8 field goals and 10 turnovers with 5:55 left to play in the first half.

Michigan State could not get in the paint, could not get the ball to its 6-foot-10 center Goran Suton in the paint, and could barely get the ball to halfcourt without it being stolen or throwing it out-of-bounds. Unfortunately for the Spartans, things did not get appreciably better in the second half.

North Carolina beat every team it played in the single-elimination tournament by double digits. They looked as good as they apparently were, and looked even better in the title game.

Many fans, players and coaches might think that Connecticut, Louisville, Pittsburgh or Memphis would have been a more worthy opponent than Michigan State. What they really need to do is to shut up and recognize that they had their chance and blew it. And so this season ends with some very interesting rankings in the final polls.

There is a tremendous difference between the season-ending final rankings for the AP Top 25 Poll and the Coaches Poll. In the Coaches Poll North Carolina ends up #1 with all 31 first-place votes.

In the AP Top 25 Poll Louisville gets the #1 spot by garnering 45 of 71 votes among the media (sportswriters and sportscasters). North Carolina had only 11 first-place votes, Memphis also got 11, Pittsburgh 3 and Connecticut 1.

Good grief, talk about homers. I guarantee you that a North Carolina media type did not give their first-place vote to Memphis, Pittsburgh, Connecticut or Louisville. So much for any semblance of objectivity.

Michigan State eliminated both #1-seeded Louisville and #1-seeded Connecticut as the Spartans marched on to the National Championship Game. The media types saw Michigan State as #8 in their final poll. Clearly, these media types drink too much after watching games and are sore losers when backing their favorite teams.

Here is the Final AP Top 25 Poll:

#1 Louisville (31-6), #2 North Carolina (34-4), #3 Memphis (33-4), #4 Pittsburgh (31-5), #5 Connecticut (31-5), #6 Duke (30-7), #7 Oklahoma (30-6), #8 Michigan State (31-7), #9 Missouri (31-7), #10 Gonzaga (28-6), #11 Villanova (30-8), #12 Wake Forest (24-7), #13 Syracuse (28-10), #14 Kansas (27-8), #15 Washington (26-9), #16 Florida State (25-10), #17 Purdue (27-10), #18 UCLA (26-9), #19 Arizona State (25-10), #20 Xavier (27-8), #21 LSU (27-8), #22 Butler (26-6), #23 Marquette (25-10), #24 Clemson (23-9) and #25 Utah (24-10).

Here is the Final Coaches Poll:

#1 North Carolina, #2 Michigan State, #3 Connecticut, #4 Villanova, #5 Louisville, #6 Pittsburgh, #7 Oklahoma, #8 Missouri, #9 Memphis, #10 Kansas, #11 Duke, #12 Syracuse, #13 Gonzaga, #14 Purdue, #15 Xavier, #16 Washington, #17 LSU, #18 UCLA, #19 Arizona State, #20 Wake Forest, #21 Marquette, #22 Florida State, #23 Texas, #24 Arizona and #25 Butler.

Do you think that the coaches may have been paying a little bit more attention to the actual results of the 2009 March Madness Tournament when the teams in question had to prove their ranking against top competition?

Jeff Sagarin’s head-to-head quantitative method produced a totally different set of ratings with two major gaffes—Sagarin identified #14 Washington as Washington State and #83 Washington State as Washington. Perhaps Sagarin (or one of his staffers) had one too many pink lemonades when compiling the final stats.

These two mistakes were still displayed on the USA Today website as of Thursday (4-9-09) at 6:40 p.m. PST, two days after their release.

Here is Jeff Sagarin’s Final Top Teams:

#1 Kansas, #2 Memphis, #3 North Carolina, #4 UCLA, #5 Wisconsin, #6 Texas, #7 Duke, #8 Louisville, #9 Tennessee, #10 Georgetown, #11 Xavier, #12 Davidson, #13 Stanford, #14 Washington (misidentified as Washington State), #15 Michigan State, #16 West Virginia, #17 Marquette, #18 Texas A&M, #19 Pittsburgh, #20 Butler, #21Ohio State, #22 Notre Dame, #23 Clemson, #24 Drake and #25 Indiana.

If college football had a national playoff system like college basketball, you would probably see the same screwy results in both the AP Top 25 Poll and Sagarin’s Top Teams.

Among Sagarin’s Top 25, the team that played the toughest schedule during the season was Texas, rated #4 nationally among the 341 Division 1 teams. Here are the 2009 NCAA Tournament National Semifinal Results:

#2 Michigan State upset #1 Connecticut 82-73

#1 North Carolina eliminated #3 Villanova 83-69

Here is the 2009 NCAA Tournament National Championship Game Final Result:

#1 North Carolina eliminated #2 Michigan State 89-72

Ed Bagley
http://www.articlesbase.com/hobbies-articles/2009-march-madness-north-carolina-wins-5th-national-title-as-upstart-michigan-state-falters-868547.html

Grand National is the most popular horse racing event in the UK. Every year, thousands of people crowd around the television set to watch the live telecast of the event. Among these people, many would already have placed bets on the horses. The key question now is, “Which horse will emerge the winner?”

If, like many others, you have placed bets on the horses, you would surely be interested to know what your winning odds will be like. Many won’t even bother to think about the odds. But knowing the odds will create a more interesting betting experience. And who knows, you may even start winning some bets!

So how do you go about increasing the odds of winning? The first place to look, is to go to a sports book website (related to Grand National of course), and look out for tips. But note that not all tips are reliable. Do a quick check to see if previous data is accurate. Has the experts from this particular website tipped any winners before? If so, how frequently?

When reading up on betting tips, it’s wise to keep a healthy level of skepticism. Always check things out for yourself, and don’t rely on others to do your homework for you. At the other end of the spectrum, you also don’t want to over analyze things. Just keep things simple. That means looking up information on the horses, jockeys and trainers who are competing in the Grand National event. A list would most certainly help.

Based on the list, you may then do more research on the entrants. For example, you can easily find out who the past winners are. You can also see who the National legends are, and which horses the pundits are rooting for. Of course, the more popular the horse, the weaker the odds. Popular horses usually have odds at around 12 to 1. Unpopular horses can have odds that go as high as 100 to 1.

When picking horses, always bear in mind that the Grand National is an event that is unlike other traditional horse races. Therefore, you can’t use conventional betting methods to try to pick winners. Skills, speed and power do matter. But in a Grand National race, luck is an important element as well. So never write off any horse. The horses, although less likely to win (at least according to what the masses think), have better odds. That means when you win, you win more.

Ultimately, it’s up to you find a balance between rational betting and betting based on luck. You have to have a bit of both to get better winning odds. If you really can’t decide on the horse to bet, just bet leisurely based purely on luck. There are websites with software that will help you pick a potential winner. It may just be your lucky day!

Gen Wright
http://www.articlesbase.com/collecting-articles/grand-national-horse-racing-the-odds-of-winning-757761.html